Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка





Illinois voters have endured a lot from their state government. Not growing the economy and лизби групповуха2парня и девочка good-paying jobs. Massive corruption, cronyism and patronage. And four of my nine predecessors have gone to prison. Pick your favorite culprit -- legislators, unions, pensions -- and you may have a case. But the one thing that current and former elected officials, academics and Springfield insiders cite most лизби групповуха2парня и девочка perhaps the most painfully obvious: Illinois governors are powerful.

But over the last two decades, public confidence, financial stability and economic growth in Illinois have all suffered. During that time, Illinois has had four governors: But Rauner saw his own standing collapse last year when rank-and-file GOP lawmakers abandoned his cause after a two-year budget standoff.

Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка

Only a tiny fraction of лизби групповуха2парня и девочка believes the state is heading in the right direction. Getting Illinois back on track will require years of calm attention to rebuilding public trust, balancing лизби групповуха2парня и девочка and practicing the neglected art of governing.

Twenty years ago, Illinois was humming along. Bond ratings had been upgraded a handful of times during his tenure, a first in Illinois history. A Republican pharmacist from Kankakee, Ryan was an imposing figure with deep-set eyes, a gravelly voice and large hands that barely budged when you shook them. He rose through the ranks in Springfield as a legislator, House speaker, lieutenant лизби групповуха2парня и девочка and secretary of state.

When Edgar decided to retire, Ryan was the logical choice for Republicans. Instead, they associate him with a sprawling bribes-for-licenses scandal that dogged Ryan from his days as secretary of лизби групповуха2парня и девочка. It sprang from an investigation over a fiery traffic crash in that killed five children because an Illinois trucker failed to heed warnings that his лизби групповуха2парня и девочка was loose.

His approval ratings plummeted from 50 percent in to 27 percent a year later. Ryan defiantly denied any wrongdoing, but his standing would never recover. From his weakened position, Ryan had to guide the state through an unprecedented fiscal crisis after the terrorist attacks.

Illinois Commission on Government Forecasting and Accountability. Nobody was surprised when Ryan was indicted on a variety of federal corruption charges nearly a year after he left office. He served six and a half years in prison and was released in But the scandal that tainted his administration would open the door to a successor who would not only land in prison, but would also become a national pariah.

Rod Blagojevich became instantly infamous when the FBI лизби групповуха2парня и девочка the sitting Illinois governor in his running clothes in the morning darkness of Dec. The same feds who had patiently stalked Ryan for years said they had no choice but to arrest Blagojevich after listening to seven weeks of wiretaps of his phones and office.

Blagojevich, they claimed, was about to sell an appointment to the U. Senate seat vacated by the newly elected president from Illinois, Barack Obama. Illinois lawmakers quickly impeached and removed Blagojevich.

But the disgraced governor launched a media roadshow while he awaited trial. To make a clean break from the Ryan years, Blagojevich had brought in out-of-state advisers and political neophytes to run his administration. They quickly ran into a big problem: Lawmakers went along with the idea anyway. Madigan, who opposed the idea, embarrassed the governor by quickly putting it up for consideration in the House, where it failed to get a single vote. Two months лизби групповуха2парня и девочка his arrest, Blagojevich лизби групповуха2парня и девочка few friends left, in Springfield or in the state as a whole.

The Chicago Tribune reported in October that only 13 percent of Illinoisans viewed him favorably. FBI wiretaps showed that the feeling was mutual. So [expletive] all of you. For decades, the Democrat had been in and around state government, but mostly as a rabble rouser.

In the early s, he led a successful effort to reduce the size of the Illinois House by a third, but then he bounced from office to office.

He won election for a single term as state treasurer, lost a bid to oust Ryan as secretary of state and then ran successfully for lieutenant governor on the same ticket as Blagojevich. At the time, Illinois gubernatorial candidates did лизби групповуха2парня и девочка pick their running mates.

Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка

Once Quinn became governor, he did a lot of heavy lifting, especially on budget-related matters, that Blagojevich refused to do. But he had to do it in the throes of the Great Recession. Illinois Office of the Comptroller. So he persuaded outgoing lawmakers in a lame-duck session to raise the income tax by double the original proposed amount. Lawmakers hiked personal income tax лизби групповуха2парня и девочка from 3 percent to 5 percent, and raised corporate rates as well.

The catch was that the new rates would last only four years before going back down. But the new money did help the state catch up with some of its unpaid лизби групповуха2парня и девочка.

Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка

Quinn also tried to take on the pension problem by reducing retirement benefits. Inhe лизби групповуха2парня и девочка a law that reduced pensions for most new state employees and teachers.

But Quinn pressed лизби групповуха2парня и девочка more, and inlawmakers agreed to a package that would have curbed benefits even for workers and retirees covered under the original pension scheme. Those changes, though, never took effect. Inthe state Supreme Court struck down the law for violating the Illinois Constitution, which has strong protections against diminishing retirement benefits for state employees.

Eventually, the public soured on Quinn.

Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка

His reputation took another hit when an investigator found лизби групповуха2парня и девочка patronage hiring at the state Department of Transportation, both under Blagojevich and under Quinn. When Quinn came up for reelection inhis loudest critic was a wealthy businessman who won the Republican nomination to oppose him. Once Pat Quinn became governor, he did a lot of heavy lifting, especially on budget-related matters.

Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка

Although Rauner had long mingled in political circles and once counted Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel as a friend, he was virtually unknown to most Illinoisans before his bid for governor. Once in office, though, Rauner set his sights on limiting the power of public employee unions and career politicians in лизби групповуха2парня и девочка General Assembly.

Illinois desperately needed a лизби групповуха2парня и девочка, because the temporary income tax hike that Quinn pushed through expired just before Rauner came into office, and there were no spending cuts to offset the lost revenue.

Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка

The standoff lasted nearly two years, during which time Illinois limped along without any clear spending plan. It was the longest span any state had ever gone without a budget. Strangely, much of the government continued to function. Long-standing laws required Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка to make pension contributions and bond payments even without a budget. Rauner cut a deal with lawmakers to keep money flowing to schools during the hiatus.

Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка

And courts insisted that state employees be paid, and ordered the state to abide by consent decrees that mandated spending on certain social services. But the impasse created all sorts of havoc in other places. Many of them had already reduced services and laid off staff during лизби групповуха2парня и девочка recession.

State-run universities also got no funding from Springfield during the budget crisis. All sorts of contractors, from the utility that provided power to the Capitol to dentists who treated state employees, were frozen out as well. Meanwhile, the backlog of unpaid bills shot up again. Illinois was spending about the same amount it had spent when the income tax had been higher, but the state was no longer collecting enough money лизби групповуха2парня и девочка sustain that spending.

Comptroller Susana Mendoza warned that Illinois was dangerously close to not having enough cash to meet court orders to pay for essential services, which meant Illinois could be held in contempt of court in several cases. On Wall Street, bond rating agencies grew increasingly alarmed by the impasse. Two of the three downgraded Illinois to a step above junk bond status.

No state had ever been in this situation. As the collateral damage grew, so did pressure on lawmakers to end the crisis. The talks were so promising that the governor even counted on the revenue they would produce in his annual budget proposal.

But as the deal moved closer to a vote, Rauner attached ever more demands and ultimately warned Republican senators not to support it. They needed a handful of Republicans to go along, too.

The impetus came from rank-and-file Republicans. David Harris was one of them. They wanted to know whether Democrats were serious about ending the standoff, or just wanted to use it to discredit the governor. The House Democrats took them up on their offer to work together. Fifteen Republicans were among лизби групповуха2парня и девочка 72 House members who supported the spending plan. When Rauner vetoed the measure, 10 of the GOP members joined in a successful move to override him.

On July 6,after two years of costly stalemate and embarrassment, Illinois finally лизби групповуха2парня и девочка a budget again. The budget package allowed the state to borrow money лизби групповуха2парня и девочка pay off its oldest bills, which due to penalties were accruing interest at a rate of 12 percent annually.

Лизби групповуха2парня и девочка

Those bonds were also used to pay off Medicaid bills, because the state receives matching federal funds for those expenses. Its taxes, labor and energy costs are in the middle of the pack for industrial Midwest states.

What sets Illinois apart, they say, is the recent political tumult in Springfield. That is лизби групповуха2парня и девочка idea that Madigan, the powerful House speaker who has held the title for all but two years sinceis the real center of power in Springfield. Rauner and many of his fellow Republicans point their fingers at Madigan as the true source of trouble in state government.

The speaker controls the legislative agenda in the House, and makes most of the important decisions behind closed doors, leaving lobbyists, members, the media and even лизби групповуха2парня и девочка to guess why certain bills die or suddenly come back to life. His pronouncements to the press are practically Delphic, and his public remarks rarely deviate from a very short script. In addition to being speaker, Madigan is the лизби групповуха2парня и девочка of the state Democratic Party and a much-feared ward boss on the southwest side of Chicago.



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